Total Pageviews

Tuesday, 21 October 2014

Salience networking related to handedness.

Differences in being left hand dominated and right hand dominated can be a starting point in evaluating cerebral dominance, behavioral-cerebral correlations and inter and intra-hemispheric meshing. The neuron system in patients with neuro psychiatric disorders is responsive in differing pathways depending on handedness, clearly seen in brain saliencing networks when given the same behavioral tasks. If we can trace handedness related  neural pathway variations, it is one way drugs can be more precisely prescribed for the millions of sufferers who are not experiencing effective relief from symptoms.
A second way to map the fundamental cause of brain disease is to take the theory that neural stem cells mature certain brain cells too early and this early maturity is triggered by extreme stress at a crucial moment in  adolescent brain development. This then affects how those cells are merged  in the cellular network and may cause blocks. In order to put this theory into practice, we can follow a sample group of adolescents with mental health disorders of any kind in their immediate family in a “diary plus brain map” experiment to establish  data that could be used to taxonomize prevailing factors and exact times where young adults and brain development are most vulnerable.

Tuesday, 12 August 2014

Bi-polar and SZ connective genetic mutation in late adolescence. Notes.

The latter part of adolescent brain development is of particular interest to mental health care research, because the time window corresponds to the age of onset of most major neuropsychiatric disorders, especially schizophrenia. A striking feature is the similarity between genes and processes altered during late adolescence and those known to be dysfunctional in the schizophrenia brain. For example, the leading candidate risk factor gene, NRG1.which has also been linked to bipolar disorder is minimally expressed during late adolescence together with its ligand ERBB4. This result is supported by salience network analysis of prefrontal cortex changes.

                                                        borrowed image: disclaimer.

Due to the strong evidence for white matter alterations during adolescent brain development, and evidence for the involvement of aberrant myelination in major neuro-psychiatric disorders, it can be predicted that genes related to myelination would be detected in this analysis.
It has often been been debated whether the decrease in grey matter volume in the adolescent prefrontal cortex found in brain imaging studies is a true reflection of synaptic loss or in fact an artefactual representation of increased white matter volume. There is evidence at the gene expression level that there are alterations in processes associated with synaptic development during adolescence, in addition to increased expression of myelination genes. Genes associated with energy generation via glycolysis and oxidative phosphorylation reach peak expression during adolescence, coupled with other active cellular processes such as transcription, translation and protein transport. This may represent an increase in energy supply to the prefrontal cortex. There is a peak in resting cortical glucose utilisation in early adolescence with a gradual decline to reach adult values in late adolescence.

Bi-polar or schizophrenia
Previous hypotheses have focused on the role of neuregulin in early development as a predisposing factor to schizophrenia, the present data suggest that it has an important additional function in the maturation of the prefrontal cortex and may be one of the factors involved in specific mutation and development at this time point.

Neurotransmitter systems that show altered function during adolescence may also be particularly vulnerable to perturbation during this period; results suggest that neuropeptide and glutamate signalling may be particularly important. There is strong evidence that glutamatergic abnormalities are seen in schizophrenia and bi-polar, possibly due to the psychosis-inducing effects of glutamate antagonists such as PCP. 

Alterations in neuropeptides in neuropsychiatric create disorders and the alteration in expression of these genes during this critical developmental period, in a region of the brain strongly associated with schizophrenia symptoms, (in particular auditory hallucinations) strengthens the evidence for their role in the etiology of schizophrenia.
It should be noted that the exact development of these gene expressions are directly connected to the timing and peaking of contributing stress factors of which the neurotransmitter systems are the key monitors of. My theory is that both bi-polar and SZ are strongly and closely linked and the exact mutation moments are critical in confirmation of which will develop. With farther and extensive brain salience networking analysis of early-late adolescent brain development especially in traumatized young adults, we can I believe begin an earlier diagnosis of both disorders.

Monday, 5 May 2014

Magnifying detailed core differences in symptomatic display of hikikomori from a cross cultural perspective.

NOT FINISHED: disclaimer, references not yet added...biblio not yet done. 1st draft.

In answer to areas of doubt that surface in the ongoing claim that ‘hikikomori’ is a culture bound
syndrome, this paper looks very briefly but closely at five important differences in the symptomatic
manifestations that are different in social withdrawal in both Japan and other countries; and in doing so draws from the limited documented research available on differences of not only symptom but also
societal attitude and treatment approach.

In this paper I would like to define and further address five of the key points that arose from question
and answer session at the international IAFOR Psychiatry and Behavioral Science Conference in Osaka this March.  I presented the opinion that hikikomori is a Japanese culture bound symptom and
disorder at the conference and had the fortune to speak with many clinical psychiatrists from New
Zealand, Australia, Taiwan, India, UK, Korea,  and USA  afterwards regarding the claim.  In doing so I narrowed down the five areas that I believe are  key in identifying hikikomori as a specifically culture bound  phenomena, in other words a Japanese specific psychiatric symptom.
1.      The confusion and definitive boundary definition lines of hikikomori and agoraphobia or acute social withdrawal which are synonymously used as other definitive descriptions of hikikomori in the US and UK.

2.       The fact that 80% of hikikomori sufferers  in Japan only, are male.
3.       The specific connection that Japanese hikikomori has with prior school truancy V the very low percentage of this being a trigger factor in other countries.
4.       The extreme length/duration of hikikomori withdrawal in Japan V other countries.
5.       The absence of key symptoms such as panic and lack of social stigma that are present in social withdrawal and agoraphobia as defined in Western Psychiatry but not in hikikomori.

Key difference #1.

William Foreman from Michigan in USA( 2012:3 ) writes:

Hikikomori overlaps with several Western mental health diagnoses including pervasive developmental disorders, avoidant personality disorder, PTSD and other anxiety disorders. I will outline some of the comparisons to agoraphobia and social phobia.
Hikikomori is similar in many respects to severe agoraphobia. While many people with agoraphobia are afraid only of specific clusters of activity such as driving or attending crowded events, others are afraid to leave home at all. Hikikomori is defined as a state of complete social withdrawal that lasts at least three months in Korea or six months in Japan. In both disorders, sufferers typically do not communicate with anyone outside the home.
A major difference between hikikomori and agoraphobia is the age of onset. Hikikomori is strictly a disorder of young adults. Those who were in the first group to be diagnosed are, as of 2013, not yet 40 years old. To be initially diagnosed, the sufferer must be no older than 30

This is just one of many clinical psychiatrist’s observations that specific differences exist in the  
actual semantic clarity of definitive status between hikikomori and similar psychiatric symptoms
elsewhere. Foreman writes “overlaps with” and I believe this is an accurate claim that clarifies
the uniquely cultural bound nature of hikikomori. There are too many other examples to list here
but time and again in published definitions found in psychiatric journals¹both social withdrawal
and agoraphobia are defined with elements or key components missing when compared with the
Japanese definition of hikikomori²

While some of the non Japanese psychiatrists I have spoken with and mailed with, have claimed to have seen patients who are suffering from ‘hikikomori’, their interpretation of the term does not include some of the components I believe to be Japanese specific and therefore, like the name itself
include;  the extreme reluctance of families to take part in behavioral therapy at initial onset-
where it is proven to be most effective; the pressure on first borns and often male children to follow one educational path toward job fulfilment; the prevalence of truancy preceding hikikomori, the history of Japanese mind set “retreat/ignore” as a defense position; the unique social stigma magnified by proximity of neighbors in a small land space and many others.

Many psychiatrists from other countries that I spoke with claimed that the treatment of what they felt
was hikikomori or its equivalent,  necessitated a strong approach by bringing the young adult out of his room with force and into family group therapy urgently; interestingly the ways felt appropriate to broach treatment and healing of hikikomori symptoms also vary from country to country according to educational and child raising norms- meaning the ways felt appropriate to treat hikikomori are also culturally specific; in itself an indication that there is little reason not to assume that the  specific definition and manifestation of hikikomori is also culturally specific.

Key Difference #2
Dr. Saito Tamaki, who coined the term hikikomori back in 1998, and with whom I had the great pleasure of meeting in his Funabashi clinic in March 2014, claims in his book  (   ) that hikikomori is culture bound due to the epic number (over one million) who have chosen to stay in their rooms in an act of seeming defiance against cultural expectations that do not exist in the exact same way in other countries. This was an area I felt to be one connected to the history and language and social etiquette that is linked to the unique culture of Japanese people. In a culture that is so very different from Western culture, how can we expect psychological disorders to be the same when………………………………………….()
Moreover, research that Dr. Saito conducted with patients estimated 80% of hikikomori are male and
Of those 80%.................are first born male. As explained in detail in my last paper in a male dominated value index country (Hofstede :   ) this fact alone could be enough to label hikikomori as Japanese culture bound given the pressure for Japanese males to get work and stay in that same work and the devotion above all to the company versus family. Conversely, Western society has the similar symptoms of  “social withdrawal” standing at equal part male versus female and “agoraphobia” being statistically mainly female.

Quoting Foreman again (ibid):
Identified in 1998, it appears to be culturally linked to changing labor market realities in Asia. Under the traditional system, middle and upper-class youths follow a highly structured path from adolescence to adulthood. They are expected to rigorously apply themselves in high school and college, and then immediately take a professional job. The job market has traditionally been secure, and the first employer out of college is expected to be the company that the young adult will remain with until retirement.
Increased globalization and changing labor markets have made this ideal unattainable for many youth. Many adolescents follow the expected path through college only to discover that they are unable to find a job, or can only find one for which they are vastly overqualified. For some young people, the realization that they did everything right but cannot reap the benefits leads them to shut down. Hikikomori overlaps with several Western mental health diagnoses including pervasive developmental disorders, avoidant personality disorder, PTSD and other anxiety disorders..

Key Difference #3.

In the following diagram, it can be seen the main reasons for “dropping out” of college in the US.
The validity of this diagram is to serve as a reminder that ONLY 13% count “social misfit” or “Poor social fit” as a factor for opting out, where in all surveys of hikikomori I have yet to read this has been the PRIMARY cause and trigger for hikikomori (    ).  Not necessarily with truancy – usually caused by bullying or a feeling of misfit - but also from failing to adapt to expectations within societal norms (  ).

Key Difference #4

In the following diagram we can see the extreme endurance that families have in dealing with
hikikomori and the extreme length of time that sufferers will retreat to their rooms for. Most commonly over 7 years and very often as long as 15 to 20 years.
When I have presented this slide to clinical psychiatrists, they have found time and again, this to be one of the most alarming and single handedly most clearly differentiating factors in manifestation of social withdrawal.The average length of time as a one off comparison in the USA for hikikomori or its sister name social withdrawal (not counting addiction or schizophrenic related withdrawal but focusing on withdrawal from societal  pressure)  is considered to be approximately a few months to two years  (     ).

Key Difference #5

I will now take a closer look at the very detailed exact symptoms that are presented in the related
non  Japanese disorders that involve social withdrawal and appear on the surface most closely mirroring the outward appearance of hikikomori.

These are:
·         Avoidant Personality Disorder
·         Acute social Withdrawal
·         Agorophobia

According to the American Psychiatric Association’s Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-IV), a person diagnosed with avoidant personality disorder needs to show at least four of the following criteria:
  • Avoids occupational activities that involve significant interpersonal contact, because of fears of criticism, disapproval, or rejection.
  • Is unwilling to get involved with people unless they are certain of being liked.
  • Shows restraint within intimate relationships because of the fear of being shamed or ridiculed.
  • Is preoccupied with being criticized or rejected in social situations.
  • Is inhibited in new interpersonal situations because of feelings of inadequacy.
  • Views self as socially inept, personally unappealing, or inferior to others.
  • Is unusually reluctant to take personal risks or to engage in any new activities because they may prove embarrassing.

Hikikomori typically does not involve 4 of these criteria. Many hikikomori people are for example in fact highly intelligent and do not feel they are inferior to others. In fact some have feelings of ‘higher intelligence or non main-stream intelligence” (Zeilinger:  )They may or may not have a fear of being disliked, it is certainly not a critical factor in defining hikikomori. Hikikomori are NOT unusually reluctant to engage in new activities because they may prove embarrassing or avoid personal risk – since statistics of suicide are very high among hikikomori sufferers. Finally, the core “hiding” feature of hikikomori does not necessarily involve a complete breakdown of the willingness to interact because of fears of shame or being criticized. I think these have often been experienced previously but are now not central themes and so, in this way “hikikomori” could be seen as an end game or aftermath of such feelings;  an attitude closer to apathy than panic BUT not apathy and most certainly not panic.

Acute Social Withdrawal.

This is most commonly a secondary symptom in pscyciatric terms.
It arises out of specific triggers which are most commonly:

·         Depression
·         Bi-polar
·         AIDS or other serious illness diagnosis
·         Seasonal Affective Disorder
·         Dementia
·         Schizophrenia or other schizoid affective disorder
·         Autism

In all these cases symptoms are resolved when the primary trigger is resolved or addressed.
None of these primary triggers moreover address the NON COMMUNICATING (refusal or extreme
reluctance to open up and talk) aspect and deep central theme in ALL cases of hikikomori.
In other words, being able to identify the primary cause allows a treatment plan to be more easily
mapped  than hikikomori where so many unknowns and variables are inexplicable because they remain unexplained.

Here is a definition of agoraphobia from Forsyth, Sondra. "I Panic When I'm Alone." Mademoiselle April 1998: 119-24.

Agoraphobia is just one type of phobia, or irrational fear. People with phobias feel dread or panic when they face certain objects, situations, or activities. People with agoraphobia frequently also experience panic attacks, but panic attacks, or panic disorder, are not a requirement for a diagnosis of agoraphobia. The defining feature of agoraphobia is anxiety about being in places from which escape might be embarrasing or difficult, or in which help might be unavailable. The person suffering from agoraphobia usually avoids the anxiety-provoking situation and may become totally housebound.
Agoraphobia is the most common type of phobia, and it is estimated to affect between 5-12% of Americans within their lifetime. Agoraphobia is twice as common in women as in men and usually strikes between the ages of 15-35.

It is clear from this definition that agoraphobia, often also called Acute social withdrawal, usually involves panic attacks as a core symptom, but not always; and always involves anxiety attack or extreme anxiety as a psychiatric disorder that hikikomori adolescents, children and adults do not in the majority do not suffer from as a primary symptom (     ).


In this paper, I have looked at what I believe to be just 5 of the main differences in the symptom of Japanese hikikomori versus the definition of hikikomori and or its synonyms in other countries. There is clearly much more to research and much more to be discussed, including a far wider range of research involving a wider selection of countries and cases. However, I hope that this brief introduction to five of the areas I think need further investigation will provide a platform for further research into my hypothesis that hikikomori is without doubt, a Japanese culture reactive or culture bound syndrome, not to be seen as simply withdrawal and retreat by an individual with a mental health issue, but instead an expression of how the system of education in Japan and expectations in society need to change before we can come closer to reducing hikikomori numbers and ending the immense suffering for hikikomri people and all those families who have been and continue to be prisoners to the powerful destruction of life in the shadow of hikikomori.

Tuesday, 15 April 2014

Cultural Differences that shape culture bound theory which in turn may affect hikikomori symptoms.
1-50  A-Z

1.       AISATSU:   It is drilled into children from a very young age to say good-morning, good-afternoon and good evening on absolutely every single encounter with anybody in your life and also strangers that pass through your living/working  area BUT not out and about on hikes etc. If these words are not exchanged, a following encounter with the person may be strained. Posters at schools everywhere and banners in school playgrounds read “Don’t forget your daily greetings”.  A teacher or two will man the gates of schools, elementary through high school, every morning and every single child entering the gate is expected to say in a clear polite voice, their morning greeting. A tremendous amount of kudos and respect is given to ( and kept score of)those students or members of society who never fail to forget to appropriately greet with the accompanying slight head bow at all times, to all members of  their group.

This is the OPPOSITE from expectations in the UK, USA etc. where we may pass a stranger out hiking and greet them but where it is often considered  uneccessary, too formal  or  just strange to say these words  within the family or one’s close circle of friends.

Saturday, 19 October 2013

What does it mean to be half. I consider myself "half". Yet the term is racist for sure and reminds me of all that can never be changed here until a whole new generation of harfus gain control in positions of power....hard for any whose names are not written in kanji and even harder for any who look most different. But until that day, when the government allows us resident harfus to vote; until the day when harfus are truly seen first for their ability and not their appearance...we are living in an isolated camp, a hollow between 2 mountains with one leg stretched wide to one mountain and the other leg stretched out to the other. Perched between 2 worlds and accepted totally by neither.Unable to move for fear of losing one or other or both worlds.

Monday, 1 July 2013

Diagnosing autism using salience network analysis.

If autism can be detected by brain mapping at a very young age (under 6 months) which seems highly likely given recent advances in salience networking (sensory nerve connectivity brain imaging data analysis) this is hugely exciting for parents and carers of autistic children because it offers earlier scientific answers to the years of concern, anguish and worries such as why their child is always playing alone, cannot tie their shoelaces by age four, or cannot structure their sentences as fluidly or quickly as children of a similar age. At the moment, traditional approach to autistic diagnosis involves intensive and emotionally charged interviewing of child and parents along with years of anguish and heartache as teachers and fellow parents may try to explain unusual behaviors with a variety of confusing and hotchpotch hypotheses.

Hyperconnection between neural pathways is seen in brain imagery of autistic people, fact. However, a very highly connected brain can be associated with both autism and genius. Information overload resulting from hyperconnectivity can cause the intensity of vision, synesthesia (overlapping of sensory functions)and specific coping mechanisms like rocking and social withdrawal common in both. With further research and work in specific areas of overlap and connection it is very possible that we could actually discover areas of the brain that are predisposed to outstanding capabilities and I believe eventually map a path of promise for all autistic children to find an area in which they have a unique, if restricted potential for brilliance and genius.

Wednesday, 8 May 2013

Socio demographic orientation of ASW/ hikikomori notes.

Seeking to identify factors that implicate culture bound theory both in the socio demographic orientation of hikikomori and in the physical manifestation of `opting out` by `shutting in` and including a brief comparison of those factors from a control culture with the related social expectation withdrawal of runaway. I`m using as a baseline for analysis, Japan`s position in 3 of the culture value indices defined by Hofstede, (G.Hofstede: 1980) namely the dimensions of:
Ø      individualism; IDV,
Ø      power distance; PDI,
Ø      uncertainty avoidance; UAI,
trying to analyse how, in conjunction with educational norms, peer behavioral patterns and employment expectations within a society, cultural values can determine how social withdrawal and `opting out` will present. Hikikomori is not a social situation that is disappearing in Japan, even though it is no longer the hot topic of the previous decade. As interest wanes and media inevitably moves its attention on to the next cult like phenomenon among young people who behave differently, the growing hikikomori population of over one million ( ) should not be forgotten. Educators and politicians are in a prime position to facilitate change and question teaching styles that may play a critical role in responsibility for such a huge, national, cultural specific, social epidemic that is not vanishing like its members, but is instead rampant and growing.

Culture-bound is a term that indicates the native countries culture is trigger for a certain social behaviour or trend. By naming a trend culture-bound, it is easier to trace cause and therefore perhaps to find solutions or appropriate ways to respond or not. However, this paper does not seek to offer solutions to the issue of hikikomori or to propose counsel although it does contain opinion. It looks at possible contributing background societal factors and at a juztapositional  social withdrawal phenomenon classified often as `runaway` in an attempt to identify specific enantiomers that lay claim to the theory herein that hikikomori is both Japanese specific and culture bound.
In medical anthropology a culture bound or culture reactive syndrome is a combination of psychiatric and somatic symptoms that are recognizable only within a specific society or culture. “Even though the concept is controversial, the term culture-bound syndrome was included in the fourth version of the Diagnostic and statistical manual of Mental Disorders, American Psychiatric Association”: 1994 (Sakamoto: 2005)
Secher in Watts (2002) explains “When you get large numbers of individuals behaving in similar ways, it is generally a cultural expression of some kind”.

Hikikomori is now a well known term. The translation alternatives (apathy syndrome, shut-ins, voluntary seclusion or acute social withdrawal) never caught on for a reason; the Japanese word hikikomori is the term that settled and is most widely used around the world for the phenomenon and this indicates implicitly that it is considered to be either Japanese specific or at least found mainly in Japan.
It is interesting to note the leading specialist on hikikomori psychologist Dr.Tamaki Saito coined the buzzword originally as shakaiteki hikikomori in 1998 (Saito:1998) acknowledging the intrinsic social (社会) or cultural roots.
Originally considered an extension of truancy (不燈侯) it was first treated as a medical ailment with copious quantities of drugs (Zielenziger:2006) but is now widely accepted as a pattern of behaviour of  young people who have jumped off the train of  expected  educational and social norms, as happens in many countries but have confined themselves inside their rooms as an escape from that pressure.
The IDV component.
To isolate oneself is a natural escape strategy reaction for a collectivist low IDV society member. In high collectivist cultures like Japan, context =identity. A person will feel safe and comfortable belonging to a group. Indeed, without answers from a stranger to establish context  with questions like; `What is your name? ` `How old are you? ` and `Where are you from?` it is difficult to establish a baseline connection with another person. Even on television interviewing random strangers in the street, Japanese television will give a person`s age and job details, where in an individualistic culture this would be considered rude, an invasion of privacy or in some cases a human rights issue.

This can be seen in statistics of how trusting people in both culture types are of complete strangers. In a collectivist culture a stranger is not part of a group and so difficult to place or identify. They are met with unease because there is no context. This unease is incidentally often misinterpreted as shyness by those from collectivist cultures who interpret how this unease would be identified in their own self oriented culture. Ignoring outsiders or non members is acceptable because the group must maintain its loyalty above all else and strangers will be met with unease.
In an individualist society, a person relates to a stranger as a `self`, valuing their individual and independent status. A whole group however may conversely be met with distrust.

In an individualist culture like America, Australia and the UK, a person feels most comfortable when they are able to make an individual expression of self because self= identity. There will be hints and comments pertaining to the self which may appear self centered but are culturally ingrained communicative habits in individualistic societies where people choose what to share and are taught that to be assertive with self-needs and opinions is a highly desirable quality.

Zielenziger (ibid) reports on an experiment with photography where a group of Japanese students (low IDV culture) and a group of American students (high IDV culture) were told to photograph a friend. The Japanese students all photographed their friend in an environment of some kind with the background taking more than
60% of the photograph frame. The American students all took closer up shots of their friend, the person took up most of the `canvas` and the background was blurred or inconsequential. This could denote the importance of people in context (typical in Japanese culture) contrasting the importance of people as self (typical inAmerican culture).

Ignoring outsiders or non members is acceptable in a collectivist culture because the group must maintain its loyalty to each other first and foremost like a mother cat guards her kittens. A complete stranger represents a person that cannot immediately be placed in context or group. The Daily Yomiuri (June 13th :2004) conducted a survey on trust in strangers and 47% of Americans responded saying other people can be trusted despite the far higher crime rate, where only 26% of Japanese responded that they would trust a complete stranger. The implication for hikikomori here is that once the person removes themselves from the group for an extended period they will be shut out and ignored because they no longer belong. Likewise, if an individual within the group behaves in a way contrary to group unwritten rules but accepted behavioural patterns for that group, they will be ignored and shut out to the point where they may voluntarily leave the group. This passive aggressive style of bullying is more common in group-oriented cultures and differs from the more violent and verbally abusive style bullying in self-oriented cultures.

A glimpse at historically rooted traditional collectivist culture

In traditional village society in the Tokugawa period, the government divided each village into 5 units of mutual surveillance to create smaller groups within the village
in order to promote mutual dependency and loyalty (⑤人国). The community was divided into these groups and if one person within the group disobeyed rules
or rebelled the whole group would be punished or chastised. In this way, it was taught through the generations that responsibility was for one`s own group (only), and that the individual has little power but as a group things can be achieved well.

By relying on this style of group dependency an individual`s ability to think critically without consulting others, and the opportunities and incentive to create change (which happens when one person thinks or does differently; others see, discuss, adopt and accomodate) and the practice of doing so have diminished.

Closed networks known as shigarami within society bind the groups strongly together so that those at the top, treated with utmost respect born from recognition of the huge responsibility they have over the group`s well being, must forfeit as much as their lives if one member of their group steps out of line and shames the network. This close knit structure can be compared with Amish societies `Ordnung` where rules down to exactly what members can wear, and other some religious cult groups in other countries too, but in Japan (and other highly collectivist group cultures too) this sense of responsibility to the group is so intense that any party not within the network or connected to a group cannot possibly get anywhere in life; where in contrast the option to leave the cult or group is a viable one and often first choice escape route in more individual-oriented countries with higher IDV scores.

While there is nothing new in this theory, the role that this imbedded cultural way is intrinsically implicated in the main isolation feature of social withdrawal/hikikomori is clear. Only by completely withdrawing from all groups can the individual salvage their desire to be different or to behave differently from any group.

By withdrawing from the group they are in turn ignored and outcast and can never again enter a new group in fear of the social stigma trailing and attached to having left one. The final irony however is that the world itself then clumps these individuals into a group and gives them the name `hikikomori`.

PDI component (Power Distance Indice).
Dependence V Independence.
The fact that hikikomori choose to retreat to their own rooms is a curious one from a Western high power distance country perspective. A young person`s room is where we are punished and forced to remain when we have done wrong. It is a punishment `to be grounded`. Yet, if we look at this choice with Hofstede`s  cultural dimension of power indice in mind regarding a high PD culture with no similar traditional confining punishment in childhood, it is easily comprehensible.
PDI rating is a country`s score for how it values dependency. This is connected closely to the other two components of collectivist and uncertainty avoidance but the focus is on hierarchy of a society and how extensive equality is in terms of power. In a low power distance country people will respect independence and demand it. In a high power distance culture (like Japan) people at the top will have great power and positions and rank will be controlled carefully with leaders consistently treated with great respect and obedience. In low power distance cultures there will be more rebellion for equality and change from those who feel powerless and less resistance to that rebellion from those who have the power.
In both cultures, parents teach differing values to their children. In Japan, traditionally although times are changing, parents have taught children to obey the teacher and all rules. An important mantra is not to cause problems for other people and to fall in line to save face for the family. In America and lower PD cultures, children are taught to question the teacher, to question everything and to answer back with an opinion when they disagree, to be a `hero` by protecting a stranger and to `think outside the box`. These are basic differences in the way parents bring up their children and as such, reflect how a society shapes its power distance.
So, it is not surprising that opting out for Japanese young people should be to stay at home. Here, their own room is a private sanctuary away from the peer group and world outside that imposes restrictions on them. Here, they can be semi safe from criticism from superiors` or society`s judgement, in a womb like existence with Mother nearby. The core value of power distance is rejected but the symbiotic relationship with Mother is very strong and offers a tiny thread of that instinctive culture born expectancy that is hard to shake- that of dependency.
In low power distant countries, we have the opposite culture reactive phenomenon in young people; that of `runaway`. It is directly related to power distance because it is chooses to run from all dependents and strives for complete independence even if that means homelessness. As James Lehman, a Canadian behavioural therapist for teens and young adults writes; “kids run away from problems they cannot handle. It`s in our culture. Adolescents often see running away as a way to achieve a sense of power and independence.” (Lehman: 2009).
Both social phenomena are rooted in rebellion or reaction against authority, but hikikomori is unique because it chooses to place the family as a safer haven than the peer group. This in turn, suggests that bullying and school pressure play a larger part in retreat than in the counterpart phenomena of runaway, where perhaps young people are fleeing the pressure from family pressure.
Finally, let us take a look at the uncertainty avoidance indice and how it relates to hikikomori.
UAI component
Rituals of performance.
Japan`s high value of employment stability and lifetime employment is a mental programming statistic, not necessarily found within individuals but a composite factor within the construct described and researched by Hofstede (Hofstede, 1983: 118-119) under the name of `Uncertainty Avoidance`.
The longitudinal (25 years) research that supports culture bound hypothesis in connection with employment avoidance and social withdrawal is documented in approx. 118 articles published in the `Journal of International Business Studies`between 1983 to 2008 (Au,K.Y, 1999;799-812).
UAI is a cultural dimension of toleration concerning uncertainty about the future. At the high end of the scale are cultures in which people feel comfortable with rituals and routines that reduce uncertainty in daily life and in the workplace. Low end UAI cultures are those in which people are happier with fewer routines and rituals and are open to much wider individual variation. In countries where UAI is high, and Japan ranks 92nd out of 100 countries surveyed (Hofstede, 1980) people will demonstrate extreme loyalty to the company or their employer and feel extreme social obligation to participate in group activity.
A high UAI score relates to hikikomori because 100% of hikikomori young adults have opted out of both work and group social activity. They are therefore reacting in a culturally adverse mode, mitigating the relevance of the claim `culture bound`.
The pressure on young people within the typical hikikomori age range of 14 to 30 -to find work and to stay in that work - or to find a club activity and stay in that activity and to co-operate correctly within a rigid peer group hierarchical system (侯輩・先輩) within Japanese society are factors that go towards creating pressure to isolate. As unemployment rates rise and the social stigma attached to any kind of so named drop out continues to prevail, this has created in natural turn a world of so called internet cafe hermits, parasites, neats and hikikomori..
While both social phenomena are rooted in rebellion or reaction against authority, hikikomori is unique because it chooses to place the family as a safer haven than the peer group. This in turn, suggests that bullying and school or work pressure play a larger part in retreat than in the counterpart phenomena of runaway, where perhaps young people are fleeing the pressure from family pressure. Parents in Western cultures usually encourage their children to leave home by 18 where in Japan “parents are happy to allow their children to remain at home and live from their parents` income until their thirties” (Suwa et al. 2003).

In individualistic cultures the trend for opting out sees `runaways` leaving the home and seeking an alternative place to be. In these notes I have hypothesized in a comparative analysis why Japanese hikikomori choose to confine themselves in their rooms within the context of 3 cultural indices as defined by the world famous cultural expert Geert Hofstede. I have tried to confirm my theory that the exact manner `opting out` of society manifests itself in Japan is clearly culture reactive. It is beyond the scope of this paper to develop further the enormous implications that this theory has on socio-economics, education and politics where change could be sought, but it is the foundation for further research into such considerations.